It is easy—but, I think, a mistake—to see this upsurge of right-wing populism as tapping into widespread, virulent racist and exclusionary nationalist identities. To be sure, there are undoubtedly people drawn to these political movements whose core identities are deeply hostile to racial minorities, immigrants and others. But for many, perhaps most, people who end up supporting right-wing populist politics, these aspects of identity become foregrounded as a result of the political context and lack of available alternatives. Beginning in the 1990s, the political parties traditionally linked to the working class generally embraced, to varying degrees, the core idea of neoliberalism: wherever possible, markets and private initiatives should replace direct state programs as ways of fostering economic dynamism and solving social problems. The disillusionment with the capacity of those parties to improve the lives of most working-class people creates a political vacuum that allows right-wing populism to gain traction. So, while exclusionary nationalism and racism are part of the cultural landscape of identities in most places, the extent to which they are foregrounded or subdued depends on politics.