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163

Getting Real

Collective Conclusion

11
terms
2
notes

J. Calhoun, C. et al (2013). Getting Real. In J. Calhoun, C. et al Does Capitalism Have a Future?. Oxford University Press, pp. 163-191

pertaining to Karl Marx and ideas he explicitly explored in his writings; differs from Marxist in that the latter includes ideas developed by others in the same vein of thought

164

broadly informed by Marxian and Weberian traditions focusing on the structures of social power and conflicts

—p.164 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

broadly informed by Marxian and Weberian traditions focusing on the structures of social power and conflicts

—p.164 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

not a commonly-used term; most likely refering to households considered "lesser" than proletarian households in terms of socieconomic power

166

the non-Russians and subproletarians in the Soviet republic

—p.166 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

the non-Russians and subproletarians in the Soviet republic

—p.166 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

members of a communist party apparat (apparatus)

a victory that inflicts such a devastating toll on the victor that it is tantamount to defeat

168

The dissident New Left had its Pyrrhic victory in the extinction of communism.

—p.168 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

The dissident New Left had its Pyrrhic victory in the extinction of communism.

—p.168 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

of, relating to, or favoring the (present) social or political establishment

168

establishmentarian politics of muddling through

—p.168 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

establishmentarian politics of muddling through

—p.168 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago
169

In the meantime a different kind of popular movement began emerging from the Right. The New Right snatched many of its tactics and even former activists from the dispirited New Left. This turn to the right marked the end of the long period dominated by class politics with its familiar symbols, tactics, and well-rehearsed rituals of bargaining. The political reaction flew the colors of identity, which introduced into politics a nastily passionate charge because matters of identity tend to be uncompromising and noanegotiable. The New Right came in two varieties, though often meshing in practice: ethnopatriotic or religious-patriotic fundamentalism and libertarian market fundamentalism. Both called for the militant defense of fundamental matters of faith—or whatever was claimed to be the founding identities in their societies. Notice that both fundamentalisms directed their ire at state bureaucracies, blaming them for being too secular, removed, devious and taxing. It tells us something important about Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu and other contemporary fundamentalisms that their suspicions and phobias virtually everywhere went hand-in-hand with extolling the virtues of small business, small town life, and the patriarchal family.

The Left was precipitously declining across the board, leaving its place in the popular imagination to be filled with either apathy or fundamentalist anger. This reversal in mass politics opened the window of opportunity for conservative factions among the Western capitalist elites. Neoliberalism, yet another misnomer, in fact grows from the old ideological belief of modern capitalists that everyone would eventually benefit from letting them do whatever they deem necessary in the pursuit and disposal of profits. World progress, the purported laws of human nature, and supreme rationality are but the nineteenth-century intellectual supports to this faith. The fundamentalist character of the neoliberal movement is revealed in its adamant refusal to recognize as capitalism anything except the purest unregulated markets—just as religious fundamentalists recognize only their own radical brand of faith as true religion. History, however, shows that the type of free markets cannot be observed in any empirical situation; it is an ideological fantasy. Following in the footsteps of Fernand Braudel and Joseph Schumpeter, we argue that sustained profits always require a degree of state protection and market monopoly. Hegemonic monopoly is what in fact propelled the renewed surge of American power and finance at the turn the twenty-first century. [...]

idk what buddhist or hindu fundamentalisms they're talking about but for the Abrahamic religions, absolutely, it tells you something very important about the whole reason these religions were created in the first place

—p.169 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins 3 years, 2 months ago

In the meantime a different kind of popular movement began emerging from the Right. The New Right snatched many of its tactics and even former activists from the dispirited New Left. This turn to the right marked the end of the long period dominated by class politics with its familiar symbols, tactics, and well-rehearsed rituals of bargaining. The political reaction flew the colors of identity, which introduced into politics a nastily passionate charge because matters of identity tend to be uncompromising and noanegotiable. The New Right came in two varieties, though often meshing in practice: ethnopatriotic or religious-patriotic fundamentalism and libertarian market fundamentalism. Both called for the militant defense of fundamental matters of faith—or whatever was claimed to be the founding identities in their societies. Notice that both fundamentalisms directed their ire at state bureaucracies, blaming them for being too secular, removed, devious and taxing. It tells us something important about Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu and other contemporary fundamentalisms that their suspicions and phobias virtually everywhere went hand-in-hand with extolling the virtues of small business, small town life, and the patriarchal family.

The Left was precipitously declining across the board, leaving its place in the popular imagination to be filled with either apathy or fundamentalist anger. This reversal in mass politics opened the window of opportunity for conservative factions among the Western capitalist elites. Neoliberalism, yet another misnomer, in fact grows from the old ideological belief of modern capitalists that everyone would eventually benefit from letting them do whatever they deem necessary in the pursuit and disposal of profits. World progress, the purported laws of human nature, and supreme rationality are but the nineteenth-century intellectual supports to this faith. The fundamentalist character of the neoliberal movement is revealed in its adamant refusal to recognize as capitalism anything except the purest unregulated markets—just as religious fundamentalists recognize only their own radical brand of faith as true religion. History, however, shows that the type of free markets cannot be observed in any empirical situation; it is an ideological fantasy. Following in the footsteps of Fernand Braudel and Joseph Schumpeter, we argue that sustained profits always require a degree of state protection and market monopoly. Hegemonic monopoly is what in fact propelled the renewed surge of American power and finance at the turn the twenty-first century. [...]

idk what buddhist or hindu fundamentalisms they're talking about but for the Abrahamic religions, absolutely, it tells you something very important about the whole reason these religions were created in the first place

—p.169 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins 3 years, 2 months ago

(labor markets) when workers subject to performance pay choose to restrict their output, because they rationally anticipate that firms will respond to higher output levels by raising output requirements or cutting pay

172

This proved to be what is called the "ratchet effect" in the historical tendencies of the growing state functions in modern society.

—p.172 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
confirm
3 years, 4 months ago

This proved to be what is called the "ratchet effect" in the historical tendencies of the growing state functions in modern society.

—p.172 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
confirm
3 years, 4 months ago

a state organized to serve primarily its own need for military security; also : a state maintained by military power

173

the embattled "garrison states" of South Korea and Taiwan

—p.173 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
uncertain
3 years, 4 months ago

the embattled "garrison states" of South Korea and Taiwan

—p.173 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
uncertain
3 years, 4 months ago

(Italian or Portuguese for "free port") a port or an area of a port in which imported goods can be held or processed free of customs duties before reexport.

173

the relic porto franco colonies of Singapore and Hong Kong

—p.173 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
uncertain
3 years, 4 months ago

the relic porto franco colonies of Singapore and Hong Kong

—p.173 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
uncertain
3 years, 4 months ago

when some human groups are forced into new, more extensive and elaborate forms of social organisation (e.g., serfdom, slavery, tribute payments) due to a lack of an escape route as well as active coercion from the ruling class

180

The celebrated expression "caging effect" was in fact invented by Michael Mann in his earlier study of ancient empires, markets, and religions.

—p.180 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

The celebrated expression "caging effect" was in fact invented by Michael Mann in his earlier study of ancient empires, markets, and religions.

—p.180 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

(or Agricultural Revolution) the wide-scale transition of many human cultures from a lifestyle of hunting and gathering to one of agriculture and settlement, making possible an increasingly larger population; began around 10,000 BC

185

It made possible what archaeologists call the Neolithic revolution, and thus agrarian societies.

—p.185 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

It made possible what archaeologists call the Neolithic revolution, and thus agrarian societies.

—p.185 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago
188

Are political hopes blurring our theoretical visions? Our answer is this: Reflexively admitting a connection between our hopes and our hypotheses is a necessary component of theoretical honesty in social science, especially when dealing with our own times. Social theory is often likened to lenses of various cuts that enable us to discern patterns in human action. When the lenses are cut solely to confirm one's faith and denounce whatever opposes it, the resulting vision is strictly ideological. Such lenses, commonly worn in politics and public debating, function more like blinders. Theory is different because it has to be testable. What constitutes tests in social science has been a matter of controversy. We are methodological pluralists insofar as we doubt attempts to legislate the one right way of doing social science. Yet we are not complete relativists. Different kinds of problems and scales of analysis leave researchers the choice of investigative techniques. Experiments and statistical correlations have an important place in the toolkit of social science but their role cannot be universal. Disciplined ethnographic observation is often more revealing in studying localized social environments. At the macrohistorical level, which is where we work, the main method might be likened to connecting the dots in a big puzzle. Another test for macrohistorical theory are counterfactuals, the alternative roads that seemed possible at one historical juncture but were not taken. In other words, we must show both how we get from one historical situation to another and what are the actual range of structural possibilities and the factors on which events turn. This is perhaps as close we can get to an experiment in our kind of research.

—p.188 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins 3 years, 2 months ago

Are political hopes blurring our theoretical visions? Our answer is this: Reflexively admitting a connection between our hopes and our hypotheses is a necessary component of theoretical honesty in social science, especially when dealing with our own times. Social theory is often likened to lenses of various cuts that enable us to discern patterns in human action. When the lenses are cut solely to confirm one's faith and denounce whatever opposes it, the resulting vision is strictly ideological. Such lenses, commonly worn in politics and public debating, function more like blinders. Theory is different because it has to be testable. What constitutes tests in social science has been a matter of controversy. We are methodological pluralists insofar as we doubt attempts to legislate the one right way of doing social science. Yet we are not complete relativists. Different kinds of problems and scales of analysis leave researchers the choice of investigative techniques. Experiments and statistical correlations have an important place in the toolkit of social science but their role cannot be universal. Disciplined ethnographic observation is often more revealing in studying localized social environments. At the macrohistorical level, which is where we work, the main method might be likened to connecting the dots in a big puzzle. Another test for macrohistorical theory are counterfactuals, the alternative roads that seemed possible at one historical juncture but were not taken. In other words, we must show both how we get from one historical situation to another and what are the actual range of structural possibilities and the factors on which events turn. This is perhaps as close we can get to an experiment in our kind of research.

—p.188 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins 3 years, 2 months ago

a mainstream approach to economics focusing on the determination of goods, outputs, and income distributions in markets through supply and demand; contrast with heterodox economics

190

the field of social science fell under the domination of neoclassical economics

—p.190 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago

the field of social science fell under the domination of neoclassical economics

—p.190 by Craig J. Calhoun, Georgi Derluguian, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Mann, Randall Collins
notable
3 years, 4 months ago