[...] As of 2011, UPS has six subcontractors and uses 256 agencies. In addition to its permanent workers, the company is also recruiting workers under fixed-term employment contracts, corresponding to a highly flexible labor regime, a strategy which compounds the difficulty for unions in gaining a majority of signed-up workers. [...]

In 1987, Topkapı-Istanbul transport warehouses were in operation and 1100 workers were working in 110 workplaces, and Tümtis has organized 37 of 110. The biggest employer was employing 55 workers. In the majority of the workplaces, employers were only hiring six or seven workers. When unionization started in one of these workplaces, employers were increasing the total number of workers by hiring their children as workers on paper while half of the workers were already working informally. [...]

In Turkey, employers seek to prevent unionization in three primary ways. First, they establish separate companies and transfer unionized workers; second, they use anti-democratic laws against trade unions: objecting to the threshold and re-enumerating the number of workers by appealing to the labor court or objecting to unions' branch of activity; and third, they try to force workers to quit their union, and if they refuse, fire them without compensation. Although employers could face imprisonment of six months for breaking the labor laws, in practice this penal imposition is rare in Turkey. [...]

Companies with foreign capital avoid unionization through extending the authorization process, while pressuring workers to quit their unions; laying off unionized workers or threatening dismissals; helping to organize company (compliant) unions; shifting production out of union jurisdictions; and withdrawing from the market and re-entering the market again under a new registration:

[...] at Mersin International port, where subcontracted workers were organized in a union, the main employer cancelled the subcontracting agreement and transferred all the workers to become permanent staff of the main firm in order to remove the union. Of course, even if the union loses representation in cases like this, the workers have achieved employment security as the result of the union's struggle, which is an obvious achievement in neoliberal Turkey. [...]

Some of the features of industrial relations in Indonesia's post-dictatorship phase are that they are liberal, flexible, and decentralized. A flexible labor market policy was implemented to create a "friendlier" pro-business environment. Since the enactment of Law No. 13/2003 which legalized contract work and enabled labor outsourcing practices to take effect, employers turned more workers into casual and contract labor, hence there is a more precarious workforce. Since 2003, it has been the norm for companies to have three groups of workers: permanent, contract, and outsourced (agency) workers. Each has a different employment status and consequently different wages and benefits, despite their doing the same work. An outsourced worker is hired not directly by a company, but through an employment agency. The worker remains the employee of the employment agency and is temporarily contracted to work for a company. Thus, the company is not responsible for the worker's social security payments or for providing medical insurance, paid holidays, paid sick leave, or any other benefit provided to regular workers, as required by law. And importantly, in practice the employment agency that contracted out the worker does not provide them with any of those benefits either.

A contract worker, which is one level "better" than an outsourced one, is higher by the company, but unlike a permanent/regular worker does not receive any benefits--they just receive wages that are a little higher than the wages of outsourced workers, and are hired directly. Therefore, outsourced workers are paid less than contract workers, who in turn are paid less than the permanent workers, who receive minimum wages and several benefits such as transport allowances and annual bonuses. The practice of using a large number of outsourced workers, contract workers, and recent graduates (such as apprentices and trainees) as full-time workers who are usually paid less than the minimum wage puts tremendous downward pressure on the wages of all workers. Numerous sources indicate that the typical composition of labor in an Indonesian company is 20 percent permanent, 30 percent contract, and 50 percent outsourced (agency) workers. [...]

The power the Teamsters built was based in constant organizing and growth in trucking and in the sites of pickup and delivery for the drivers. This depended on the opportunity gained from the threat of secondary pickets--when drivers came across pickets at a gate and refuse to deliver or pick up at a factory, warehouse, or store, created pressure on the employer to allow the goods to move--at any cost. The cost, of course, was a Teamster contract [...] But trucking was not the only sector of the economy impacted by the innovations of the Teamsters. The actions of these drivers at strategic sites moved Teamster organizing into manufacturing, food processing and dairies, coalmines and sawmills. Pickets at delivery sites made warehouse workers and retail workers into union members.

[...] As Southern California changed with the influx of Latinos in the 1980s, the workforce also changed. Central American men, in particular, flooded into the sector and created a culture able to simultaneously contain, on one pole, individualism and enrepeneurism, and at the same time fierce and radical solidarity exhibited through regular wildcat strikes. These occurred despite the fact that as independent contractors, any form of collective action by drivers was legally actionable collusion. This scared unions away from organizing these workers, and their efforts instead focused on bringing back the employee model. [...]

[...] Findings of employee status do not magically change a driver's situation, but they create legal grounding for organizing. And as companies the Teamsters have organized have hired on their drivers, they create living examples, paid by the hour, with benefits and 40-hour work weeks, Social Security, workers' compensation, and unemployment benefits, right there at the port terminal.

[...] Teamsters have utilized the ambulatory picket, using a rule that allows them to follow trucks and picket at their terminus. Port strikes have become famous in the LA labor movement as massive operations, with up to 20 primary and ambulatory picket teams operating at any given time manned with strikers, rank and file Teamsters, union allies, and community supporters, across container terminals, truckyards, railyards, and warehouses.

[...] While there are thousands of union members in the region, its labor movement lacks the cohesion and power that exists in Los Angeles. Warehousing exploded in the early 2000s, thriving in a region hungry for jobs, loose with development subsidies, and low on regulation. Many of the 100,000 workers in the 300-plus warehouses in the Inland Empire have consistent, regular, decent-paying jobs. But others, perhaps 30 percent, move from job to job, with little or no permanent employment relationship. These workers are employed through staffing agencies, paid the minimum wage or slightly above. They are provided with no benefits, and consistently have to fight to keep their employment. The use of these staffing agencies was originally justified by the industry to account for the ups and downs of goods movement, but their presence now functions to create a permanent underclass in the sector - a pool of hungry temps willing to do any job offered, and a credible threat to undercut the conditions of the directly employed.