What has happened to each component, each surplus in this story? Have their crises been resolved? Finance capitalists achieved what they were after by issuing $5 billion in bonds for new prison construction, with more issues in the wings; while they did not make any more money than if they had raised the funds by precisely the same means to build schools or parks or anything else, state capacity to issue debt was circumscribed by defensible categories as (and through which) the role of government changed. Landowners concentrated in the agricultural counties have divested themselves of surplus acreage and brought in the state as local employer and local government subsidizer. Labor remained divided, by race, region, and income— while “taxpayers,” who themselves are mostly working people, used polling booth power inconsistently—sometimes but not always against “stranded communities” (Jacqueline Jones 1992) of under- and unemployed people of color and white people who have the highest risk of spending time in prison. Voter vagaries suggest that even politician- and media-fueled fear embodies contradictions, especially as prison and felony expansion touch more and more households that once might have believed themselves immune. Did the new power blocs achieve total, unques- tioned legitimacy? The answer is embedded in the kinds of practices this operationalization of state capacity have produced. The JLCPCO was disbanded in November 2003. Yet there is no end in sight for the elaborate, expensive, and constantly multiplied apparatuses of coercion and control developed in harmony with, and sometimes by the makers of, the weapons of destruction produced for hot and cold warfare throughout the twenti- eth century (cf. Bartov 1996; Guérin 1994).3