The remainder of the day I sought to more deeply observe something that rarely, if ever, came up voluntarily in my participant observation at the club, or in the formal interviews I conducted later: How are racial and ethnic boundaries constructed and maintained? What I discovered is consistent with recent research on rural immigration, gentrification, and racialized divisions of labor.11 I found, through firsthand observation at the club and through interviews with club employees and outside small business owners (for example, contractors, architects), that people of color are more likely to be placed in the back-of-the-house spaces out of the view of members (for example, kitchens, housekeeping, construction labor), while non-Hispanic whites are placed in front-of-house spaces where face-to-face interaction and socialization with members was necessary (for example, bartenders, wait staff, ski-lift operators, ski-rental technicians, gift shop cashiers). In later chapters, I consider reasons for these stark racial and ethnic differences, which are certainly not unique to the Yellowstone Club, but are part of historically entrenched conceptions of nature—particularly with regard to how whiteness is associated with nature (for example, idealized purity of rural landscape) and rural Western culture (for example, mythology of the white explorer and cowboy).