When the new General Strike Committee convened the next morning, it promptly ejected a delegation from the Marine Workers Industrial Union, since it was not affiliated with the AFL. The committee then voted to create an appointed executive committee of twenty-five (later fifty). Vandeleur was elected chairman by acclamation; Clyde W. Deal of the Ferryboatmen defeated Bridges for the vice chairman's post. After Bridges declined a nomination for secretary, Kidwell was chosen. The committee turned down by voice vote a move to defer a decision until Monday as well as a motion "to join in a General Strike immediately." It finally approved a motion asking "all unions that have voted in favor of a general strike to walk out Monday, July 16th at 8 a.m., and that all other unions which have not voted be asked to hold meetings immediately and take action." Roll call recorded 63 unions, voting as units (315 delegates), for the amendment, 3 (15 delegates) against (including the teamsters' 5 votes, cast by Casey, some said to protect the local against discipline by its international union; others saw it as his last-ditch stand against a general strike). Forty-nine unions (245 delegates) were recorded as not authorized to vote. "Radicals in Full Sway,'' the New York Times portrayed the decision. It was taken, the Chronicle reported, not without its usual slant, "amid scenes of wildest conditions, with hundreds of delegates shouting and scores of others in a condition approaching hysteria." It also reported that conservative labor leaders fought for four hours to avert the mass walkout, though their opposition was not reflected in the final vote. What seems clear is that the debate was focused less on averting a general strike, more on how to call it. Clearly, neither the "radicals" nor the "conservatives" were in full sway, but rather a broad, cross-section of the unions, left, right, and center, moved into action.