The dogmatic vigour with which the EU and its Troika push back any attempts by the Left to shift this obstacle

Corbyn’s politics resonate as [...] social ballast to the current toxic tug towards the xenophobic far Right

they are prepared to put at risk the living and traduce the dead

What they have done is electrify Corbyn’s base with missionary zeal and determination, and infused them with a sense of the realpolitik ruthlessness with which these fights will be conducted

the coup could be understood in part as a pre-emptive measure aimed at preventing the demoralisation and disintegration of the anti-Corbyn bulwark

there was a good chance that the momentum would dissipate in a series of chaotic and syncopated resignations and attacks

The leaders of the Labour Party have always rejected any kind of political action (such as industrial action for political purposes) beyond the framework and conventions of the parliamentary system. The Labour Party has not only been a parliamentary party; it has been a party deeply imbued by parliamentarism.

This is a view which some might call vaguely ‘Marxist’, but which might more accurately be called simply ‘sociological’, because it is perfectly possible to endorse this view while remaining very sceptical about many analytical and political assumptions of most of the Marxian tradition

What you do, simply, is convince enough of those other social groups that their interests are best served by throwing in their lot with you than by supporting the other side. This is what it means to achieve ‘hegemony’ (leadership) within a wider ensemble of social forces.

While Labour were committed to ‘sharing the proceeds of growth’ more equitably than in the Thatcher and Major years, the process by which growth was to be achieved remained the same: the embedding of neoliberalism within government, society, and the economy.